EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santa’s gifts to politicians
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV - Santas gifts to politicians - Part 3
Limited individuals realize it, but microeconomic theory has analysed almost all of the issues that politicians and their parties face, albeit in the context of products.
The theory is of imperfect competition that analyses markets in which there are many customers (over half-a-dozen) and many sellers.
The customers outnumber the sellers by millions. Each manufacturer attempts to persuade customers to purchase his product.
A typical illustration of the in product markets is toothpastes or soaps or shampoos, where all of the manufacturers are marketing the same thing but each manufacturer wants to persuade the buyer that his product is unique in a really, important method.
This arises when such a big amount of manufacturers turn the product into a commodity – even airlines and cell phones – that in order to gain or retain marketplace share, each manufacturer has to claim to be somehow unique and better.
Parties as commodities
India’s political parties are no different.
There are extremely many of them marketing some unrealisable dream. There are additionally millions of customers (voters) prepared to be beguiled by some smart talk.
The year 2011 provided 2 good examples of the in the form of the Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal.
There were 2 primary players in each State – the DMK and the AIADMK in Tamil Nadu and the CPM and the TMC in West Bengal. There were additionally many bit players.
Each of them had to position itself in the marketplace for votes by pretending to have anything unique on provide.
The DMK in Tamil Nadu and the CPM in West Bengal offered stability, which was like the older Lifebuoy tandurusti ki raksha ad.
The challenger in Tamil Nadu, the AIADMK, offered clean Government and versatility from the DMK’s oppression – a promise of fair complexion, if you’ll.
The challenger in West Bengal, TMC, offered a reversal of the decline in Bengal’s fortunes, which was bit like the Axe effect or Zandu balm advertisements.
But the positioning, as usually in the case of political guarantees, was change.
How different, exactly?
But what produced these 2 elections interesting from an advertising point of view was the precise nature of the change being available.
In the past, change utilized to be a really wide concept – an improvement in living conditions; this time, the change being offered was extremely more precise.
This was especially thus in the case of the TMC whose election manifesto spelt out the exact extent of decline in West Bengal. It even had a chart showing how the amount of flights to Kolkata had come down.
The strategy worked.
In Tamil Nadu, the AIADMK succeeded in effectively identifying what was bothering the individuals many – extraordinary levels of corruption and oppression by DMK apparatchiks.
In both cases, it is observed, the 2 winners placed themselves as saviours, anything that face-cream, detergent and shampoo makers additionally do.
That in the finish it is all of the much of muchness doesn’t matter because lengthy because there is a sale or perhaps a vote.
The face-cream doesn’t make the buyer fairer. Nor does the voter get any relief.
Clear segmentation
We are probably to see another striking illustration of the kind of vacuous and ambiguous positioning in the forthcoming Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa.
Let’s take UP as a case research.
There is 4 major players there – the BSP, the SP, the BJP and the Congress. But as tips for marketplace positioning go, there is a huge difference between what exactly is on the cards in UP and what was enjoyed in the 2011 Assembly elections.
This really is because the marketplace for votes is more clearly segmented in UP. These segments include both caste and religion.
This makes voter needs really much sharper and, therefore, simple to target. So the BSP is aiming to retain its core marketplace of the Dalits while nibbling at the different segments; the SP is searching at its core marketplace of Yadavs and the Muslims for revival; the BJP will stick to its core Hindu vote; and the Congress is trying to please all categories by promising Utopia to UP.
Except for the BSP, that has really strong brand loyalty, the different 3 have fluid customer bases. So which strategy will succeed remains to be watched.
If financial theory is any guide, odds are that the seller with the biggest amount of fast supporters will win.
(T. C. A. Srinivasa-Raghavan is Senior Associate Editor with The Hindu Business Line.)
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3
EGV – Santas gifts to politicians – Part 3




